Blog: A legendary city in sand – Dubai Dubai, the most populous city in the United Arab Emirates, is located on the southeast coast of the Persian Gulf and is one of the seven emirates that make up the country. As the planet’s biggest building site, Dubai plays an extremely important role of trade, business, tourism and art gallery of architecture... However, except the positive aspects shown above, meanwhile, Dubai is also filled with illegal temptations, like black market for arms dealer and gold, illegal prostitution built on kidnapping, slavery, and sadistic violence. Undoubtedly, every prosperous city definitely has negative aspects behind the bright side. Dubai is not an exception.

History: At Dubai’s pre-oil times, it was a very important trade center in Middle East, because of its geographic location where is close to Iran. At the beginning of 20th century, Dubai became an important port which was mainly about pearl exporting until around 1930.

The pearl trade was

damaged irresistibly by the Great Depression in the 1930s and the innovation of pearls.

Although under the poor situation, Dubai also suffered the war with the neighborhood – Abu

Dhabi, Dubai’s government still withdrew the revenue earned from some trade activities to apply

on construction of infrastructure, in order to attract more labor and investment. After several

year discovery of neighboring Abu Dhabi, oil was finally discovered in territorial waters of Dubai

in 1966, although the total amount was not satisfying. After this great and legendary turning

point, Dubai’s rising eventually started.

Art gallery of architecture

Undoubtedly, Dubai only gives most of humans three symbolic images, namely wealth, oil and

skyscrapers. The night view of Dubai has already achieved beyond the Manhattan’s. Countless

outstanding megaprojects attracts millions, even billions of tourist. The artificial “island world”,

Khalīfa tower, Hydropolis Underwater Hotel, the carnivorous dinosaurs, the dome ski resort,

and the hypermall are all famous projects that cost unimaginable amount of wealth. These

fantastic designs of building are the most predominant feature that attracts all the people’s

attention on this planet. This will and has already facilitated consumption of luxurious brands

from customers. Meanwhile, Dubailand, more than twice bigger than Disneyland, provides

around 300000 carrier opportunities which solves employment problem. This is a definite good

strategy that can take money not only out of adults’ wallet, but also youths’ and children’s.

According to the statistics, as return, each individual spends approximately 100 U.S. Dollars

per day, excluding expenses on hotel.

Connections with China

Compared with China’s large amount of population, according to the census conducted by the

Statistics Centre of Dubai, the population of the emirate is 2,370,797 in 2015 (Dsc.gov.ae, 2015),

Dubai’s income must depends on tourists’ consumptions. However, China does not have to

worry about who will be the customers, because a really large number of citizens will go

shopping every day. From the other perspective, one of reasons why Dubai has to improve its

tourism is that Dubai relies on oil production too much. Yet, fuel is a limited resource that only

can be extracted in a few decades. The new petroleum reserves could no longer confront global

demand. On the other hand, an increasing number of researches on renewable energy, oilcould be replaced by new technologies after several decades, which directly reduces the

revenue earned by Dubai. Compared with that, China is mainly based on the manufacturing.

There is another connection between Dubai and China. This is related to the fluctuation of fuel

price. As the horse sense, the goods have value when people are willing to purchase. Fuel

prices are inflated by China’s boosting demand. According to statistics given by China

Petroleum Institute for economic and technology, China’s petroleum demand will achieve

53.367 million tons (www.gov.cn, 2015). This is definitely an amazing amount that people

cannot imagine.

Ingenious strategies lead Dubai’s rising

According to the special location in Middle East, there are a lot of Al Qaeda and terrorists.

However, Dubai, as the most prosperous city in Middle East, even worldwide, has not suffered

any car bombers or airplane hijackers. Compared with that, United States of America

underwent a large number of terrorists’ attacks in recent years, such as extremely sensational

9/11. In order to confront this high risk of terrorism, Dubai connives the development of ‘Black

Market economy’. This is exactly the insurance policy against the terrorists’ attacks. At the same

time, in order not to offend western countries, Dubai opens its huge port complex at Jebel Ali.

For example, Dubai earned gradually from the trade generated by America’s invasion of Iraq,

therefore terminal 2 became crowded with Halliburton employees, private mercenaries, and

American soldiers.

Free-trade zone is another fantastic strategy which attracts an increasing number of trade

coming to Dubai. Although a lot of other cities have free-trade zones and high-tech clusters,

only Dubai allows enclaves to operate under legal bubble-domes tailored to the specific needs

of foreign capital and expat professionals.

From the other aspect, Dubai’s government is also famously tolerant of western vices, but there

is an exception of recreational drugs. As mentioned before, western vices must contain

prostitutions. Dubai is well known as ‘Bangkok of Middle East’. There are thousands of Russian,

Armenian, Indian, and Iranian prostitutes who are under control of various transnational gangs

and mafias. Unfortunately, these sex trades are built on kidnapping, slavery, and sadistic

violence. However, the government does not attempt to stop these things happen. This is

definitely against the democracy. However, Dubai is not under control by a capitalist

government. It is still under monarchy. That is the reason why Dubai allows a lot of trade

activities, although they are not legal.

Undeniably, Dubai has its own charm to attract tourists, business man and corporations, and

even gangsters, although it has countless negative perspectives. But Dubai will still grow rapidly,

just because Dubai gets used to develop from the “fear”.

Reference list

Dsc.gov.ae,. (2015). Home. Retrieved 22 May 2015, from https://www.dsc.gov.ae/en-

us/Pages/default.aspx

www.gov.cn (2015). Retrieved 22 May 2015, from http://english.gov.cn/archive/statistics/

Jade Chansawat – 699141

9A Slum Clearance

In a society that is demanding in its pursuit of modernism, it becomes apparent that the issue with changing cities revolves heavily around the ambition of slums and their general existence. Some may argue that such deprived urban regions are detrimental to the progress and prosperity of a city in its holistic endeavours. In fact, the very terminology that is associated with slums is of a negative nature, illuminating the idea of disease, squalor, illegality, violence, instability, destruction and poor economic value.  However, these stereotypes lack conviction when considering the populace that occupies the ‘favela’, who are rich in culture and undiscovered aptitude. Thus the presence and persistent establishment of these underrated slums, alongside its ignored reality, is a fundamental part of a city’s diversity and fruition economically. For it is not a matter of replacing the slums, but rather a matter of implementing interventions that focus on excavating the hidden value amid the slums.

The existence of urban poverty accuses cities of disparity and ghettoization. It therefore becomes conclusive to many that the growth of cities into megacities is to be condemned, as they attract a populous that is deemed as poor. However, this is not the case. Throughout the explorations of Glaeser (2011), it becomes evident that he places value on the prevalence of slums in cities. He argues that they assist in the differentiation between cities that harbour true urban strength.  In this sense, cities will either lead the impoverished out of a state of squalor or further isolate them.

Thus the growth of a metropolis is an indication of its affluence. A thriving metropolis will inevitably attract the poor who hope to obtain benefits that their previous homes lacked. Such benefits include affordable housing, jobs that require minimal skill, and public transport.  It is therefore the underpinning promise of urban life that assists the poor in seeking freedom in the bustle of conurbations, particularly sovereignty from rural challenges (Glaeser, 2011).  And it is this unspoken promise that fashions the rapid development of informal slums, established on steep hills or ditches that are prone to life-threatening conditions (See Image 1)(UNHSP, 2009).  Regardless of these truths, as slums grow in size, so do the endeavours of the people in a city. Throughout the 1870s and 1880s, an emperor ruled Brazil and slavery was still legal.  At this time, approximately forty per cent of the population of Rio were in slavery, working in rural areas that enforced agricultural labour.  To escape this ‘plantation life’, alongside the growing prevalence of abolitionism, escapee slaves in Rio formed shantytowns (Glaeser, 2011).  Although these dwellings were decrepit in appearance, they personified a culture of freedom and hope for the future.

Image 1: Riocinha, the largest hill slum in Rio, Brazil.

The condition of slums is not appealing, nor is it beneficial in terms of sanitation. However, slums itself attract people that are vital in the overall economic status of cities, and therefore should be replicated rather than entirely eradicated (Hussain, 2014).  Many policymakers aim to create laws that opt to see the abolishment of slum settlements.  According to BBC News (2012), Rio politicians planned to clear slums and relocate roughly 13 000 families across 123 areas of favela before the 2016 Olympic Games. This however was not a rational idea and the plans have now been extended to take place over a span of ten years. In this case, paved neighbourhoods will substitute the city’s slums. The practice of such drastic urban change is a direct result of modernist urbanism theories that lack regard for the overall economic value of slums in growing metropolises (Hussain, 2014).  The slums within cities exemplify affordable housing, accessibility to transport, and labour opportunity, forced by the overpopulation and density of metropolises that require innovative means to stay relevant. It is for these reasons that slums attract a mass of those whom are disadvantaged. As outlined by Glaeser (2011), urban poverty can profit the poor and the nation as a whole. Patrick Kennedy, born in 1823 in Ireland County, lacked educational prospect and worked on a potato and grain farm that belonged to his older brother.  Following the potato famine in the region, Kennedy followed his friend to the city of Boston and acquired a job with his only non-agricultural skill in making barrels. Boston therefore offered accessibility to economic prospect, in which Kennedy could sell his labour skills to an employer with capital (Glaeser, 2011). Evidently, this is an example of a thriving symbiotic relationship, where the capital-less labourer intertwines with the capital-rich employer (Glaeser, 2011).

Further, Glaeser (2011) iterates that slums should not be a place of default desolation, nor should policies attributing areas heighten poverty.  Backlash in governments creating policies to help the poor can be soon through the United States and England. These two countries setup Empowerment Zones to bring job opportunities in poor areas. However, this required $100 000 in tax breaks per work opportunity (Glaeser, 2011).  In the 1990s, a social experiment called Moving to Opportunity distributed various vouchers to single parent families, in attempt to put poor people in better-off environments. Shockingly, it was found that the families who moved to higher-end locations were happier, but not necessarily stable in terms of finances. This is because the ghettos were situated in close proximity with jobs.  Thus the Moving to Opportunity study really highlights the fact that governments should not focus on relocation, but rather focus on bringing about local initiatives (Glaeser, 2011). In 2004, the Harlem Children’s Zone in New York founded a charter school, the Promise Academy. Entry into this school was by chance and overall saw a positive impact across the board of young students academically. Distinctly, this is an intervention that is focused on benefitting the slum-dwellers, in which urban poverty is not magnified by policy, and the poor are able to acquire lifelong skills that will benefit the city and its future.

Image 2: The Promise Academy, Harlem, New York.

Conclusively, the slums are an integral part of cities. It is difficult to encapsulate their importance, as well as address the ongoing issues that accompany the undertakings of slums.  Nevertheless, it can be clearly noted that the slums are home to an innovative people, full of culture and belonging. The attraction to a city and the ghettos emulates freedom of movement, reflects the capability of a city, and creates opportunity for interdependent relationships. These aspects can only be strengthened by policy that focuses on the people that occupy the slums, rather than the space itself. As seen through the charter school in Harlem and the life of Patrick Kennedy (Glaeser, 2011), the solution to urban problems, in relation to slums, can only come about through the provision of opportunity. 

References:

Glaeser, E. (2011). What’s Good About Slums. In Triumph of the City (pp. 69-91). London, United Kingdom: Pan Macmillan.

Hussain, I. (2014). Slums should be replicated not cleared. Retrieved from http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/09-Dec-2014/slums-should-be-replicated-not-cleared

Rio plans to clear slums ahead of 2016 Olympic Games BBC News Latin America & Caribbean. (2012, March). Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-10783219

Rio slums. [Online Image]. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/1990-Rocinha.jpg

The Promise Academy. [Online Image]. Retrieved from http://wac.adef.edgecastcdn.net/80ADEF/hcz.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/H_CarouselImage5.jpg

United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UNHSP). (2009). Planning Sustainable Cities: Global Report on Human Settlements 2009. London, United Kingdom: Earthscan.

Suburban heaven and hell

Saskia McEldowney: 697634

The development of suburbia over time has moulded and followed the ever shifting dynamic and demographic of society. The suburban home and all its connotations can reveal many historic ideals and advances. The influence of immigration, war and the rise of gender equality can all be seen in today’s suburban homes and also in our attitudes towards them.

The meaning and value of one’s home stems from our morals and our societal beliefs. Former Prime Minister Robert Menzies asserted that it was instinctual for us to own ‘one little piece of earth with a house and a garden which is ours, to which we can withdraw, in which we can be among friends, into which no stranger can come against our will.’ (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 89).  This notion of segregation, privacy and defined land ownership can generate environments of either suburban luxury or suburban isolation and unhappiness. Pascoe highlights the historical differences between two Melbourne suburbs: North Balwyn and Carlton.

(The Age, 2004)

The idea of single detached housing was the housing goal (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 90) for all Australians since the 1800’s (Pascoe, 2011). After the war the focus was turned to creating a home that was a celebration of what Australians had fought and died for (Pascoe, 2011). However, after the war Melbourne experienced a demographic boom teamed with the aftermath of the halted construction during the war resulted in an immense housing and building material shortage (Pascoe, 2011). This shortage encouraged the emergence of modernism. Architectural modernism encouraged innovation/logic and ‘emphasised functionality and scorned ornamentation’ (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 94), which was pivotal during this time of material scarcity. In middle-class societies such as North Balwyn where architects could be afforded, ‘compact, flat-roofed, open plan houses’ (Pascoe, 2011pg. 97) were developing. Boyd was at the forefront of the modernist movement (Pascoe, 2011). He campaigned for architectural modernism in Australian homes endorsing colour, low-maintenance materials and labour saving machines (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 95).  However, these concepts were very much emerging in the middle class environment, for inner city areas such as Carlton the working-class reality was very different (Pascoe, 2011).

Fifty years ago Carlton and other inner-city suburbs were home to predominantly working-class families. It was renowned for its violence and crime; a place where ‘home wasn’t necessarily a safe retreat from the world’ (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 93). Further to this its standards of living in terms of aesthetics of housing, technology and services were trailing far behind other suburbs of the same time (Pascoe, 2011). Only 27% (Pascoe, 2011 pg 91) of the homes in Carlton were owned and therefore renters were not able to make required changes to their deteriorating homes. 

Faraday street terrace housing (5/05/2015)

Terrace housing was the predominant style in Melbourne and Sydney from around 1890 (Pascoe, 2011). These blocks of Terrace housing involved ‘a front door barely separate from the street’ (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 102), virtually no front garden and ‘elaborate Victorian facades’ (Pascoe, 2011 pg. 102). As middle-class suburbs such as Balwyn started adopting modernist architecture inner-city suburbs were being left behind, though with the new waves of Immigration Carlton saw the influence of European cultures improving the living conditions (Pascoe, 2011). However the HCV failed to recognise these changes occurring in these areas classified as ‘slums’. More notably the HCV failed to recognise that these homes had great value to those who lived in them (Pascoe, 2011). Place attachment can commonly arise in poorer suburbs and can mitigate some of the burdens of extreme poverty pg (Hester, 2014 pg. 192) Place attachment reinforces community and a shared sense of values that exerts the most positive influence on the design of community (Hester, 2014 pg.191).

Suburbia is often associated with the oppression of women as the stereotypical ‘house keeper’ however some women in suburbs of Melbourne have flourished in the deep embedded sense of community suburbs can create. Lalor is a suburb 18 km from Melbourne that was known as a mere ‘co-operative soldier settlement’ (Scollay, 2012 pg.240) with low-cost housing (Whittlesea.vic.gov.au, 2015). With little recourses and community infrastructure the area left a lot to be desired (Scollay, 2012). However, this isolated and underdeveloped environment was transformed through the dedicated women of Lalor. The women’s role transformed from bearer and carer of children to pivotal social figures dedicated to ‘fostering…a genuine community spirit’ (Scollay, 2012 pg. 212). Pioneering politically savvy (Scollay, 2012 pg. 236) women created the LWSC – Lalor Women’s Social Club. Their foremost concern was growing the social capital (Scollay, 2012 pg. 213) by catering for the educational, recreational and social needs of their children (Scollay, 2012 pg. 213). These women fought and succeeded in creating a new kindergarten and city hall. Furthermore, they succeeded in generating an atmosphere of harmony, safety, mutual support and co-operation (Scollay, 2012 pg. 226) whilst seeking justice for underprivileged class (Scollay, 2012 pg. 229). Despite these women’s many roles in the home, local political sphere and beyond (some were even nurses and sole…breadwinners (Scollay, 2012 pg. 215)) their occupations were merely listed as ‘home duties’ (Scollay, 2012 pg. 215) – degrading and belittling these women’s roles in society. However, despite the oppression these women fought for and represented modernity (Scollay, 2012 pg. 231). They demonstrated the importance of active couples (Scollay, 2012 pg. 228), the men are able look after the children while the women can go out and thrive in the social and political environment outside the domain of the home.

Streets of Lalor during the 1940’s (Lalor: The Making of a Suburb, 2012)

In today’s societies suburbs are under attack for their excessive sized housing and sprawling nature, which both have very negative impacts on the environment (Hack, 2012). However our reluctance to move into inner-city compacted housing suggests that we are attached to the suburban lifestyle.  Suburban lifestyles are often critiqued as sterile and oppressive however the amazing communities generations of Melbournian suburban dwellers have been able to create has instilled in us this desire to attain community and obtain this sense of familiarity and belonging.   

References

Pascoe, C. (2011). One Little Peice of Earth: Ideals and Realities of 1950's Homes. In C. Pascoe, Spaces Imagined, Places Remembered: Childhood in 1950's Australia (1st ed.). Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

The Age,. (2004). Retrieved from http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/08/28/1093518161375.html?from=storylhs

Hester, R. (2014). Do Not Detach! Instructions From and For Community Design. In L. Manzo & P. Devine-Wright, Place Attachment: Advances in Theory, Methods and Applications (1st ed.). Oxon: Routledge.

Hack, G. (2012). Shaping Urban Form. In S. Bishwapriya, L. Vale & C. Rosan, Planning Ideas that Matter: Livability, Territoriality, Governance, and Reflective Practice (1st ed.). Massachusetts: MIT Press.

Scollay, M. (2012). Lalor Women. In M. Scollay, Lalor (1st ed.). Sydney: University of New South Wales Press.

Whittlesea.vic.gov.au,. (2015). Whittlesea's suburbs and residents Whittlesea Council. Retrieved 8 May 2015, from https://www.whittlesea.vic.gov.au/about-whittlesea/whittleseas-suburbs-and-residents

Lalor: The Making of a Suburb. (2012). Retrieved from http://yplocalhistory.blogspot.com.au/2012_02_01_archive.html

Planning in Urban Japan - James Permezel - 698 461

Japan suffered devastating losses in the Second World War, not only loss of human life, but
significant damage and loss regarding the infrastructure of cities. Planning through the 1940s and
1950s in Japan hardly adapted to relieve the stress of housing shortages and damage to
infrastructure. Hiroshima is a very interesting case that shows how pre-war and post-war planning
can remain consistent, even after massive scale disasters. Tokyo also sustained extensive damage
and losses of life throughout the War, with a huge increase in the urban population after the war
making the housing shortage even more severe. “In 1944-45 there was the destruction of more
than 2 million houses by bombing, and of another half-million by the authorities to make fire breaks
in densely populated areas” (Dore, 1958). The air raids performed by the allied forces heavily
exacerbated the housing and planing issues that already existed before the war.
A major part of the city of Hiroshima was destroyed after it fell victim to the first atomic bomb that
was ever dropped on a city in August 1945. Many other Japanese cities were also destroyed as a
result of bombings, however Hiroshima saw the most significant damage. About 60,000 houses
were damaged, which was approximately 80 per cent of the previously 76,000 homes in the city
(Norioki, 2003). As shown in Figure 2, the city was turned to dust after the bombing, with only a few
concrete structures remaining. Proposals for large scale reconstruction came fairly quickly after the
disaster, with citizens submitting plans along with the planning officials. However due to financial
constraints, only the plans from official planners ended up being realised. This meant that there
was consistency in planning from the pre-war city to the post-war city, an example of this is the
original grid pattern from the City Planning Act of 1919 (Norioki, 2003) being included in the plan
for the ‘new city’. An issue with the post-war planning of the city was that the planners decided to
focus on “streets, parks and land uses” (Norioki, 2003), rather than the problem of the loss of
housing. More than 60,000 people were killed instantly by the blast, and around 140,000 passed
away by December 1945, this left the city struggling fiscally as it had lost around 80 per cent of its
tax base (Norioki, 2003). Tokyo also suffered from bombing raids, in a single raid on the city in
March, 83,000 people were killed (Taylor, 1998). There was a lot of talk about the future population
of Hiroshima at the time, it was expected to reach a small size of 100,000 to 500,000, however this
was surpassed in 1960 (Norioki,2003).

Figure 1. Nuclear Cloud over Hiroshima, 6 August, 1945. (Meyer, 2012)

The initial rebuilding of the city was approved in October/November of 1946. A key part of the plan
was to have a 100 metre wide street running across the middle of the city from east to west
(Norioki, 2003). This may have been inspired by the work of European planner Georges
Haussmann, who believed in large boulevards leading to a central space or building (Van Zanten,
1994). Furthermore, the planners of Hiroshima used a strategy called ‘Land Readjustment,’ where
by people were displaced to other parts of the city so landmarks such as the 100 metre wide road
could be built. This is not dissimilar to Haussmann, who in the transformation of Paris demolished
buildings and houses, displacing thousands of people (Van Zanten, 1994). The devastation in
Hiroshima was particularly high, however other Japanese cities such as Tokyo also received heavy
damage from air raids (As shown in Figure 3).
During the 1930s Tokyo went through a period of rapid population growth, as well as a time of
great political unrest, with pressure growing towards a formal war with China (Calvocoressi, Wint,
& Pritchard, 1999). Many Japanese people thought the Nazi policy “Lebensraum” (‘room to live’)
was the way to move forward. The ‘room to live’ was linked to the argument that there were only
three ways to ease the pressure of the growing population, these being: emigration, advancing to
world markets, and territorial expansion. Japan was left with no option but the third, further pushing
them towards war with China (Henshall, 2004). The war took away resources that needed to be put
into the housing shortage, with an inadequacy of accommodation for industrial workers quickly
becoming acute (Dore, 1958). There was already an issue with housing before the war, meaning
after the loss of a sixth of the nation’s houses (Dore, 1958), there was a dire need for more
housing, especially in factory districts. By May 1952, “more than half the houses in Tokyo were
post-war, but even then the number of houses in Tokyo was only 76% of estimated minimum
requirements” (Dore, 1958). The population of Tokyo had swelled from 2,780,000 to 5,390,000 only
five years after the end of the war, almost doubling in size (Hein, Diefendorf, & Ishida, 2003). This
caused overcrowding of houses and apartments, significantly lowering the living standards for
residents on urban areas. The complete lack of housing in Tokyo and many other Japanese cities
pre and post World War Two was a clear problem, it was up to planners to resolve the issue,
however in the years following the war this never really happened.

Figure 2. Aftermath from the dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, 6
August 1945.
("Hiroshima: aftermath of the atomic bomb -- Kids Encyclopedia | Children's
Homework Help | Kids Online Dictionary | Britannica," n.d.)

Urban planning in Japan in the 20th century, and in particular after the conclusion of the Second
World War, was mainly focused around the reconstruction and development of land use, streets
and parks. This resulted in not enough focus being placed on building residences for the growing
population. The destruction was particularly evident in Hiroshima and the capital, Tokyo, with both
cities experiencing extensive bombing damage. The country as a whole was burdened with a huge
housing shortage of 4,200,000 units, as the government was left with the job of providing houses
for occupation forces, as well as Japanese residents (Hein, Diefendorf & Ishida, 2003). The cities
were rebuilt, with inspiration coming from European planners such as Haussmann. Both Hiroshima
and Tokyo were re-built relatively quickly, however it is clear that the reconstruction of Tokyo did not
follow any carefully thought out plan (Hein, Diefendorf & Ishida, 2003). Where as Hiroshima, as
presented by Horioki (2003), was reconstructed by city planners, who attempted to rebuild the city
to have a similar layout as it did before the war. Planning in Japan adapted and developed,
becoming slightly more westernised, primarily due to the loss of the Second World War.

Figure 3. Areas destroyed by air raids in the wards of Tokyo. (Hein,
Diefendorf & Ishida, 2003)


REFERENCES:
Calvocoressi, P., Wint, G., & Pritchard, R. J. (1999). The Penguin history of the Second World War.
London: Penguin.
Dore, R. P. (1958). Houses and Apartment Blocks. In City Life in Japan: A Study of a Tokyo Ward
(pp. 40-52). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Hein, C., Diefendorf, J. M., & Ishida, Y. (2003). Rebuilding urban Japan after 1945. Houndmills,
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Henshall, K. (2004). A History of Japan, 2nd Edition. Retrieved from http://
www.palgraveconnect.com/pc/doifinder/10.1057/9780230502925
Hiroshima: aftermath of the atomic bomb -- Kids Encyclopedia | Children's Homework Help | Kids
Online Dictionary | Britannica. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://kids.britannica.com/comptons/art-92126/
Total-destruction-of-Hiroshima-Japan-following-the-dropping-of-the
Meyer, M. W. (2012). Japan: A Concise History. Retrieved from http://www.eblib.com
Norioki, I. (2003). Reconstructing Hiroshima and Preserving the Reconstructed City. In C. Hein, J.
M. Diefendorf, & Y. Ishida (Eds.), Rebuilding Urban Japan After 1945 (pp. 87-107). London:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Taylor, A. J. (1998). The Second World War and its Aftermath. London: The Folio Society.
Van Zanten, D. (1994). Haussman, Baltard and Municipal Architecture. In Building Paris:
Architectural Institutions and the Transformation of the French Capital (pp. 198-213). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.

Raina Shauki 698887

Tutorial 2: Claire, Monday 10-11

Topic 8B: 20^th Century Middle-Eastern cities

When looking at 20^th Century Middle-Eastern cities, it is difficult not to look at the influence of European civilisation on their growth and development. The relationship between Western and Islamic cultures in history can be seen to have affected how Middle Eastern cities developed in the 20^th century, both socially and also in their physical layout. The ‘Westernisation’ of the Middle East can be seen to have occurred in different phases, with each contributing to the development of the cities and cultures in the Islamic World. Although many Western ideas influenced development, the differences in governance in the Middle East led to 20^th Century cities, which were different to what was seen in Europe. This growth led to many urban issues, which still affect modern Middle Eastern cities today.

The influence of the West on the development patterns of Muslim cities can be tracked through different phases of communication between the two worlds. During the Middle Ages, Europe had much to learn from the highly developed Islamic culture. Interactions between the two included the Crusades and cross-cultural trades, which were both very important in the exchange of ideas and goods between the Europe and the Middle East (Bianca, 2000). Without this exchange, it can be argued that European civilisations would not have developed in the way that they did. During the Renaissance and Enlightenment, Western civilisation experienced immense intellectual and cultural growth, which resulted in an increasingly industrialised society (Bianca, 2000). In comparison, Islamic expansion had more or less ceased by the 1800s. The initial resistance of the Islamic world throughout the age of Colonialism (Bianca, 2000) can attributed to the survival of the Ottoman Empire, which acted as a buffer between the East and the West, filtering Western influences entering Islamic societies.  The collapse of the Ottoman Empire in WW1 then opened up the Middle East to Western politics. The new Arab world was then marked out by Europeans, paying little attention to the geographical, social and cultural implications of new national boundaries. The theme of European influence continues after WW2, where Imperialism took form in economic and financial dominance (Bianca, 2000). New “independent” Middle Eastern cities experienced rapid industrialisation and urbanisation in order to keep up with standards of the West. Western living became the epitome of success, breeding further Westernisation within new Muslim nations. This Westernisation of culture was expressed through Middle Eastern urban environments.

In terms of urban layouts, Middle Eastern cities developed along a different trajectory than their European counterparts. However, many Western ideas were seen to be adopted my Muslim cities. The Ottoman Empire borrowed features of Classical and Roman architecture (Bianca, 2000) leading up to WW1. New buildings used Western architectural models, which can be seen in Figure 1, in Istanbul’s main train station. As well as this, Western-style apartment buildings lined large boulevards, with new residential quarters being built for colonial residents.

Figure 1 Front façade of the Istanbul Train Station.

In Cairo, Egyptian planners studied Haussman’s new French capital (Bianca, 2000) resulting in the creation of new, European style suburbs. The creation of “new towns” (Bianca, 2000) was not uncommon in the increasingly Westernised Middle East, especially after WW2. This concept saw the creation of twin/parallel cities, alongside historic cities in a way that would allow them to co-exist. These “new towns” used Western-planning models that contrasted with the organic layouts of the “old towns”. As mentioned, the Westernised “new towns” often housed European employees and residents in the Middle East, but as the era of Colonialism ended and these European residents left, “new towns” were taken over by a growing Middle Eastern bourgeoisie class, with lower classes occupying the “old towns”. In the organic layouts of the “old towns”, narrow streets, shop lined alleyways and bazaars, juxtaposed European and “new town” city squares (Benevolo, 1980). We can see from this that Western influence in Middle Eastern planning led to city layouts that fostered class separation.

The consequences of the Western World’s impact on the Middle East can be seen in both the social and physical issues facing Middle Eastern cities in 20^th century, and even now. The aftermath of WW1 saw the forced separation of different ethnic and cultural groups through new political boundaries. This has led to much conflict in the Middle East, with different groups rallying for independence for many decades. As well as international conflict, colonial divides have worsened the rift between the elite and the masses, culminating in uneven distribution of wealth (Bianca, 2000) especially between “new towns” and “old towns”.  As well as these social issues, Westernisation of Middle Eastern cities have proven detrimental to the conservation of the cities’ historic fabric. As “old towns” were seen more and more as “backwards”, and of lower social status, rehabilitation of old city centres became less of a priority (Bianca, 2000). Rapid industrialisation of the region and increasing populations throughout the 20^th century also proved problematic, as they often led to the formation of slums. These new urban slums are often characterised by poor economic conditions, discontinued maintenance of buildings, poor accessibility and lack of commercial and administrative functions (Bianca, 2000). The result of this can be seen in the two images below, with Figure 2 showing a strip of Westernised, waterfront apartments in Cairo, and Figure 3 showing Cairo’s urban slums. Although these issues appeared in the 19^th century and continued on into the 20^th, many of them still face Middle Eastern cities today.  

Figure 2 Strip of apartment buildings along Nile in Cairo.

Figure 3 Roofs of Cairo’s urban slums.

In conclusion, we can see that the development of Middle Eastern cities of the 20^th century was influenced and linked to the development of the West. Exchange between the two Worlds allowed information and ideas to be communicated between them, affecting both civilisations in different ways. Westernisation of the Islamic World during the 19^th and 20^th century from trade and colonisation, affected the city layouts through the formation of “new towns” to accommodate the colonising powers. Western architecture and buildings also entered the Islamic world. The consequences of Colonialism and Western influence on Middle Eastern cities can be seen in the social and physical issues faced by them, even to this day.

References

Benevolo, L. (1980). The history of the city. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

Bianca, S. (2000). The Impact of Western Models on the Contemporary Development Patterns of Historic Muslim Cities. London, England: Thames and Hudson.

Cairo International Film Festival. [Online Image]. Retrieved May 1, 2015 from http://www.egypttourinfo.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/cairo-international-film-festival.jpeg

Cairo Slums. [Online Image]. (2011). Retrieved May 1, 2015 from https://donijw.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/1-1285449143-5_cairo.jpg

Istanbul. [Online Image]. (2004). Retrieved May 1, 2015 from http://www.mikeandgloria.com/images/Turkey/ist-22.jpg

Natalie Taggert: 639962
Tutorial 2: Claire, Monday 10AM-11AM.
Topic: Planning Under Fascism

Town Planning to 1945 – Jeffery M. Diefendorf

Jeffery M. Diefendorf analyses planning efforts and ideas from before 1933, throughout the Nazi era, up until 1945.  Post-war planning did not begin from a clean slate, but was impacted on by pre-war planning models. Town planners thought about the future of cities for the first time, rather than merely reconstructing cities the way they were previously. Diefendorf discusses the wider framework that was involved for reconstruction planners to develop their tasks and plans.

Town planning became a distinctive discipline in Germany in the 20^th century. The basis of German urban planning involved town extension plans, the garden city movement, regional planning and programs for urban renewal.

Extension planning is the first trend touched upon in the chapter. It involved shaping areas outside the historic cores, however, this was difficult because local councils were disaggregated, allowing owners to develop their properties however they liked, and other citizens such as police to control the location of the roads.

To move towards more positive planning, important competitions were held to design ring roads and new outer districts. Population density, transportation and land use were taken into consideration into these designs. Planners began combining structural aspects as well as aesthetics into their designs.

Diefendorf moves onto discussion of the evolution of the Garden cities in Germany. Howard’s ideology of Garden Cities was that they would be new, sustainable cities that held social, land and environmental reform. Containing all aspects of a city such as industry, culture, commerce and residential housing with contact to an established urban centre, they were thought to create a healthy community with the working class and middle class being able to live together in peace, surrounded by greenery which was assumed to generate peace, allowing a sense of escape from the chaos of the metropolis. Planning garden cities was difficult and often resulted in garden suburbs housing greenery in residential areas but a metropolis still existing with industry and other facilities. The German garden city movement featured elements of social darwinistic, and racial thinking. The first German garden city, which was more of a garden suburb, was Hellerau in 1908. These garden city ideals followed through various planning designs such as Schumacher’s green belts in Cologne and Ernst May’s design in Frankfurt that followed contours of the landscape, connecting with nature.

 

Figure 1:  Hellerau, A view along Am Grünen Zipfel Street, from 2008 (Metropolis Magazine, 2015).

Another trend explored is regional planning. It became a German planning trend in 1910 during the Berlin competition. Regional planning studied the urban dynamics and its effects on small towns outside boundaries of large cities, and prepared for integration of these small towns. The lack of connectivity and the barriers between states made regional planning ineffective.

Mentioned quite often throughout the chapter is Fritz Schumacher. He was admired for being a modern planner who combined the study of topography, social trends, demographics, transportation and industry and trade rather than simply aesthetics. He understood the problem of unplanned urban growth resulting from the housing issue that arose people being forced to live in unsuitable conditions, and that synthesising these various aspects could be a solution. To solve the great metropolis issue, Schumacher had to analyse the relationship between complexes of buildings and open spaces, rather than simply single buildings. Schumacher integrated nature and greenery as part of an expanding, organic urban structure, the green belt.

Diefendorf continues on to explain planning during the Third Reich which existed from 1933-1936. The Nazi regime allowed for complete planning that involved the entire urban environment. The National Socialists provided legal frameworks and financial resources for planning to go ahead. Urban renewal programs of this time disposed of standard housing, reduced population densities and opened up blocks, allowing for new streets. This small style housing in greenery that arose was seen as healthy living that would supposedly strengthen political support.

Feder’s idea of developing an organic town is constrasted with two cities that were actually built. Feder’s theory involved decentralising populations into smaller garden cities. The large cities would be broken up into “cells” that would have their own planned amenities such as schools and other necessary utilities.  He believed this design would create healthy villages with strong connections to nature. Two cities planned by Koller and Rimpl, followed modern planning ideas with industry located away from the rest of the city and housing set in greenery.

Following on came the move towards redesigning cities that would have altered the historic urban structures more than urban renewal programs did. Hitler’s program for redesigning cities featured traits that cities must have. These included broad, long avenues with a forum or a large square at the end, a huge hall to house large assemblies, and large party buildings. His designs were to be monumental with the intention of intimidating and manipulating residents and to display the power of the Third Reich.

Gutschow is largely discussed for his long term impact on German town planning. He was largely influential, involving many planners in his projects such as major expansions for harbors and planning residential suburbs, as well as rail-lines and Autobahn networks. Gutschow developed a system of organising residential settlements where they would live in “cells” with mixed housing amongst greenery, encouraging integration of social classes. These cells would be placed around community buildings and would be oriented allowing maximum sunlight exposure. They were also designed to avoid future attacks and air raids.

Reconstruction planning followed where bombed cities were rebuilt, often considering the likelihood of future wars occurring. It would involve creating open spaces in interiors of housing blocks instead of rebuilding destroyed central cities in their old form. Information regarding what damage had occurred to particular buildings was effective for the reconstructing strategy.

Discussing the various trends of pre-war planning that led to 1945, it is evident how they would be important for consideration during post-war planning. Investigating some of the most influential German planners showed the range of ideologies that were often combined to create and continuously improve Germany based on its needs at the time and its standards set by Hitler. It can be seen how the trends of planning changed and grew over the years leading to the war and how different approaches and angles were taken by different planners impacting Germany now.

Jeffery M. Diefendorf, ‘Town Planning to 1945’ in In the Wake of War: the Reconstruction of German Cities after World War II New York, Oxford: Oxford UP 1993 pp. 151-180

Magazine, M. (2015). The Charms of Suburbia. from http://www.metropolismag.com/February-2014/The-Charms-of-Suburbia/?cparticle=3&siarticle=2

20^th century planning under communism

Catherine Bruckard 698660.

In the 20^th century, new socialist and communist parties were brought to power under revolutions in both Russia and China. Planning under communism during this period can be analysed for the new ideas about planning that these movements brought about, which were unlike those previously seen in many western nations. Revolutions inspired change and these were carried through to planning principles. Both the Soviet Union government and the Chinese communist government came to power and found themselves with full responsibility for planning and management of cities and towns. The lack of private enterprise saw them take on greater responsibilities that capitalist governments would have. How did planning change under communism and ultimately was this successful?

In Russia, a revolutionary socialist party called the Bolsheviks was formed and led by Vladimir Lenin (French, 1995). Their principles were based on the ideas of Karl Marks (French, 1995). Growing civil unrest In Russia overthrew the Russian Czar in February 1917 (BBC, 2014). In October 1917 the new provisional government was itself overthrown by the Bolsheviks who grew support and took control as the government of Russia (BBC, 2014).

China is a country which experienced similar events. In 1949 a communist peasant party was brought to power who also, like the Bolsheviks, had adopted Marxist ideology (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2015). Their rise to power was also brought about though issues of civil unrest, especially from the poorer, rural population (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). Chairman Mao led the country, a man who believed in a socialist society and communism. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2015).

The Russian soviet state following the revolution had a new responsibility for all aspects of urbanisation, development and running of all towns (French, 1995). The new Chinese communist party also inherited this responsibility, and quickly implemented national urbanisation policies (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). An added responsibility for both governments came from the requirement by the Marxists that any distinction between rural and urban must be abolished; this could only be done through the improvement of the standards of rural life (French, 1995). Chairman Mao in China thought of cities as places of uncontrolled consumption and a blamed them for the disparity between the rich and poor regions (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013).

In the Soviet Union following the revolution, work was quickly started to plan the “city of socialist man” (French, 1995). Ebenezer Howard and the garden city movement influenced their ideas, especially his idea of the marrying of town and country (French, 1995). This emphasis on greenery was a notion that remained with soviet planning (French, 1995). Many other ideas of planners and architects alike were influential, it seems that any non-traditional idea was embraced; almost as if they wanted nothing to do with the past (French, 1995). The government invited foreign experts in planning to assist, counting on them to help with their ‘5 year plan’ for development and increased industrialisation (Bosma, 2014). The Moscow metro was just one monument built as part of this plan; built to embody the prestige of the Soviet Union through its grand aesthetics and use of materials such as marble. (Vujosevic, 2013). Something such as this could arguably could not have been built under a capitalist government.

The Soviet Union was different to China in the sense it had contrasting groups formed who varied in their ideas about how best to plan Soviet cities. The Disturbanists were one group who took the Marxist idea of ridding disparities between town and country by proposing to abolish towns (French, 1995). Instead people would live along roads in communal housing blocks (French, 1995). Okhitovich, a strong believer in this idea, rejected any idea of a ‘centre’ and talked instead of development along corridors with dispersed individual housing, factories and green spaces (Collier, 2011). Urbanists or Sotsgorod (socialist town) group were another group who had a belief in small, green towns. Many also believed in communal living and standardisation of buildings (see fig. 1).  Although these two groups were hostile towards each other, there was many overlaps in terms of their ideas and beliefs. Both groups believed in communal living, and idea of development linearly was seen to be one as “intermediate” between the two groups (French 1995, p39). Many of the ideas about linear cities were latterly taken up by many planners worldwide (French 1995).

	Fig. 1: Disurbanist scheme for a linear city, by Moisei Ginzburg and Mikhail Barshch (1930) (Wolfe, 2011)

 

In China, development of the communist party came much later than in Russia. Because of this, the new communist government was guided by Soviet advisers (see fig. 2) (Dreyer, 2014). Soviet planners came to China, realising the Soviet model city could in fact be built in China, with Mao’s strong vision and power (Dreyer, 2014). Dreyer (2014) remarks that models of society which were importations from Russia during the Soviet period in both architecture and urban planning also still be seen today in China. It is clear that Soviet Union had a strong guiding influence and almost became an outlet for which some constricted soviet planners could see their ideas transpire (Dreyer, 2014). Under the new government and the advice given to them, the growth of large cities was discouraged, industrial centres were developed and general growth and placement of cities was controlled (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013).  

	Fig. 2 Soviet Russian advisor giving instructions to two Chinese engineers (Cairns, 2014).

 

China has since gone through a number of different developmental stages since then, despite its maintenance of communism. China’s history has been categorised by a number of governmental policies that have sought to control where development and populations reside (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). One of these was the ‘Great Leap Forward’ in 1958, where policies were made to encourage industrialisation, especially in inland areas (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). This was similar to ideas of soviet planners, with the aim to disperse industry and growth (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). The application of this idea in China resulted in a great migration of individuals to these areas and the adoption of a household registration system, which effectively banned migration to cities from rural areas (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013). A number of policies such as this one were implemented in an effort to address the disparities between regions, however the eastern regions are still reported to dominate (Wu & Gaubatz, 2013).

Urban planning during communism in the 1990s was a phase in which new theories were developed and explored in town planning (French, 1995). The soviets inspired change and created novelty in ideas and buildings (French, 1995). Ward (2012) notes that the scale and boldness of what was being built in the Soviet Union were for a period, quite impressive to onlookers such as the British, whose own planning system pre 1939 was conservative and hesitant. They were also able to inspire other communist nations such as China, who today still retains communism (Galbraith, Krytynskaia & Wang, 2004). However, it can be noted that inequalities in both countries between urban and rural did in fact rise, whilst monopolistic sectors increased their power (Galbraith, Krytynskaia & Wang, 2004). Although the ideas of Marxism and equality were excellent in practice, their implementation did not and has not really improved equality with policies such as the one in China preventing migration and effectively increasing the divide between rich and poor, rural and urban.

1085 words

References

BBC (2014). The causes of the October Revolution. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/higher/history/russia/october/revision/1/

Bosma, K. (2014). New socialist cities: foreign architects in the USSR 1920–1940. Planning Perspectives, 29(3), 301-328. 

Collier, S. J. (2011). Post-Soviet Social: Neoliberalism, Social Modernity, Biopolitics (p73) Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Dreyer, J (2014, June 26) Maximum city: the vast urban planning projects of Soviet-era Russia are being reborn in modern China. The Calvert Journal. Retrieved from http://calvertjournal.com/comment/show/2760/soviet-era-urbanism-russia-reborn-in-modern-chinese-cities.

Encyclopædia Britannica (2015). China. Retrieved from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/111803/China/71842/Establishment-of-the-Peoples-Republic

French, R.A. (1995). The City of Socialist Man. In Plans, Pragmatism and People: the Legacy of Soviet Planning for Today’s Cities (p29, 30, 31, 36, 37, 39, 49). London, UCL Press.

Galbraith, J. K., Krytynskaia, L., & Wang, Q. (2004). The experience of rising inequality in Russia and China during the Transition (1). The European Journal of Comparative Economics, 1(1), 87-101,103-105.

Vujosevic, T. (2013). Soviet Modernity and the Aesthetics of Gleam: The Moscow Metro in Collective Histories of Construction. Journal Of Design History, 26(3), 271-273.

Ward, S. V. (2012). Soviet communism and the British planning movement: rational learning or Utopian imagining?. Planning Perspectives, 27(4), p516.

Wu, W., & Gaubatz, P. (2013). The Urban system since 1949. In The Chinese City (p78-81, 90). New York, Routledge.

Source of photos

Fig. 1 Wolfe, R (2011, September 25). The Soviet Moment: The Turn toward Urbanism, the Crisis in the West, and the Crossroads of the Architectural Avant-Garde in Russia. Retrieved from http://thecharnelhouse.org/2011/09/25/the-soviet-moment-the-turn-toward-urbanism-the-crisis-in-the-west-and-the-crossroads-of-the-architectural-avant-garde-in-russia/

Fig. 2 Cairns, R (2014) “The First Five Year Plan”, Alpha History, Retrieved from http://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/first-five-year-plan/